Perhaps there is no group that is as affected by this in the U.S. as
African American males. With higher
rates of high school dropouts, incarceration, and lower life expectancy, black
males have been stereotyped as criminals, dangerous, hypersexual, and even an
endangered species (Ferguson, 2000). My
friends who teach in schools with black children tell me that teachers often
can predict at a very early age which students will end up in jail. I have had well-intentioned friends explain
to me that the problem is the black culture, explained in terms of the matriarchy,
deadbeat/absent fathers, teen pregnancy, low value placed on education, no
support in the home, together with problematic family situations involving
violence, drugs, alcohol, and an overwhelming poverty/welfare mentality. With obstacles like these, my friends reason,
it’s no wonder these boys are running the streets by 4th grade. How
could they ever learn how to make choices like a man when they don’t have any
good role models? This explanation is
deceptively appealing in that it is overly simplistic and belies the crippling
effect of systemic, institutional racism on the victims of racial stereotypes.
As Ferguson (2000) explains, her critical incident occurred when she walked in as a volunteer to
after-school tutoring and recreation program for “at-risk” students and
realized that the students in the program were predominantly African American males (in a school with
approximately 50% black students). This
realization was accompanied by the growing awareness that the teachers and
staff seemed to take for granted the demographics of the “at-risk”
students. This launched her into a
three-year, in-depth qualitative study that encompassed not only the elementary
school environment, but the homes of several boys whom she came to know. She spent most of her time in the school
observing the comings and goings of a room she came to call the “Punishing
Room.” Through vignettes, powerful
narrative, interwoven with critical analysis, Ferguson shows that the black
boys she tracked were pegged as “troublemakers” before they walked in the door. Whether the boys ended up in the
“troublemaker” or “schoolboy” group involved a complicated series of choices
that were not so clearly right or wrong.
While the boys did have
experience with poverty and hard knocks, Ferguson found that the families did
not fit into the stereotype of the drug-infested and violent home life. Instead, the patterns of inequitable
punishment and injustice enacted in school were echoed in the families’ interactions
in society with far-reaching consequences.
In this context, the choices of the boys actually seemed rather limited:
maintain a sense of self-worth through resistance or conform to systematic injustice, bullying
from teachers, and racial discrimination.
In contrast to the “troublemakers,” the “schoolboys” often made the
choice to do what was expected of them at the cost of an internalized
self-loathing. In order to succeed in
school, there is external pressure to “act white” and suppress the black part
of self, which is seen as problematic and deficient. For understanding these
dynamics, Bourdieu’s theories of a superior “cultural capital” and “symbolic
violence,” as well as Foucault’s theory of disciplinary power are useful.
Two other studies emphasize
the harmful effects of racial stereotypes as they are constructed and
reinforced through social interactions in school. Negative stereotypes like those described by
Rolón-Dow (2004)
in her study of Puerto Rican adolescent girls result in frustration and apathy
on the part of teachers. Because the
teachers perceived the girls as having competing interests (i.e. boys) that
precluding being good students, they were more likely to shift blame onto the
girls for academic failure. On the other
hand, it is important to recognize that even a seemingly positive stereotype is
not benign. Lee (1994)
studied the impact of the “model-minority” stereotype on different groups of
Asian students. While stereotypes are
sometimes minimized (i.e. humans need to make generalizations in order to
understand the world), they carry power to perpetuate prejudice and
discrimination. The “model-minority” is
not only harmful to other racial groups, but also to Asian people who are
treated differently because of a perceived racial difference.
Ferguson (2000),
Rolón-Dow (2004),
and Lee (1994)
would argue against a predisposition of certain groups to succeed or fail based
on their culture. Instead, the research
indicates that institutions serve as sites for social reproduction of hierarchy
and stratification that continue to benefit people with white skin.
At one point in our conversations, my husband argued, “You can’t just blame the institutions.” I asked him, “Why is it important for you to not blame the institutions?” As he thought about the question, I realized the implications of these studies. If the institution is to blame, and not the individual student, then hard work and “merit” don’t come into play. Conversely, my success or my husband’s positive experiences in school and society are not a result of a “Puritan work ethic,” pulling up the proverbial boot straps, exceeding talent or intellect, but instead the possession of the correct cultural capital and the right skin color to receive preferential treatment in our social interactions. This is huge disturbance to the personal narrative that we tell ourselves about our own experiences.
At one point in our conversations, my husband argued, “You can’t just blame the institutions.” I asked him, “Why is it important for you to not blame the institutions?” As he thought about the question, I realized the implications of these studies. If the institution is to blame, and not the individual student, then hard work and “merit” don’t come into play. Conversely, my success or my husband’s positive experiences in school and society are not a result of a “Puritan work ethic,” pulling up the proverbial boot straps, exceeding talent or intellect, but instead the possession of the correct cultural capital and the right skin color to receive preferential treatment in our social interactions. This is huge disturbance to the personal narrative that we tell ourselves about our own experiences.
References
Ferguson, A. A. (2000). Bad boys: Public schools in the making of
black masculinity. Law, meaning, and violence. Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan Press.
Lee, S. J. (1994). Behind the
model-minority stereotype: Voices of high- and low-achieving Asian American
students. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 25, 413–429.
Rolón-Dow, R. (2004). Seduced by images: Identity and schooling in the lives of Puerto Rican girls. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 35(1), 8–29.
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